The United Nations Decade for Women (1976–1985) originated the concept Women in Development (WID). Influenced by feminist discourse of early 70’s in the Global North, it aimed to integrate women into the development process. By late 80’s, it was critiqued to cash in on women as appendage into existing development frameworks than challenging the power and normative structures (social, cultural, religious, political, institutional) that perpetuate and act as barrier to gender inequality. Hence, it was the early 90’s that witnessed the emergence of the concept Gender and Development (GAD) which is evolving to-date and covers gender based intersectionality.
Globally, WID to GAD transition to date is a see-saw story of success and struggle for women, with WID positioning discourse of integrating women in welfare-oriented context. However, it isolated women at many levels, and the concept became an “add women and stir” approach. It focused on women’s practical needs than strategic gender interests. Normative, structural and institutional inequalities between genders were not challenged. GAD reformed and re-contextualized it into an equality-centric and rights-based participatory paradigm – an equation of empowerment to transformation. However, it continues to struggle with deep-rooted patriarchal norms, unequal and regressive normative frameworks and resistance from a range of socio-cultural, socio-religious and socio-political conservative groups, societies and governments.
The WID to GAD journey in Pakistan had similar ups and downs. Nusrat Bhutto’s speech at the First UN Conference on Women in Mexico, in 1975, called for peace and solidarity among women from the Global South. It highlighted the need to focus on education, healthcare, and economic opportunities for women. This led to the creation of Women’s Development Programs and Women’s Division under the Planning and Development Department. Benazir Bhutto as the Pakistani Prime Minister (the first woman to be democratically elected in a Muslim majority country) upgraded the Women Department as an independent ministry and amplified women’s rights agenda at the Beijing Conference. She made commitments at the Beijing Platform for Action to International Conference on population and development, also focusing sexual reproductive health of women.
The global transition from WID to GAD also brought Violence Against Women (VAW) into focus. Violence directed at women, including gender-based discrimination, which is rooted in unequal power relations, was defined as VAW. It highlighted how patriarchal power dynamics and structures, normative to institutional, infused impunity to VAW. Blaming the victims (now called survivors), it hindered women’s empowerment. VAW became key part of global gender policy post 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women and the 1995 Beijing Conference. Since then, there has been a significant and continued evolution in how we understand, address, and respond to violence and human rights in development, humanitarian and peace settings. The WID to GAD transition led to VAW to Gender-Based Violence (GBV) – ‘All VAW is GBV, but not all GBV is VAW’.
GBV recognized that women and girls remain disproportionately affected by violence but expanded to include violence against men and boys, trans and non binary people. It defined violence as any harmful act directed at an individual based on their gender identity, gender expression, or perceived gender norms and roles. It recalibrated its definition of violence from
Gender-based discrimination against women, domestic violence and honor killings to harmful gender norms, practices and power imbalances that perpetuates against women, men and trans persons. It not only recognized the existence and complex layers of GBV but had it integrated as part of inclusive programming in the Humanitarian-Development-Peace(HDP) nexus.
Exploring Progress & Tech Facilitated Gender Based Violence: Pakistan As A Case Study
The digital world is progressing exponentially and witnessing social media (SM) as a powerful communication tool. Interactive platforms of the SM are new mediums of “Voice and Agency’. It has reshaped activism and is contributing to rights-based awareness raising. But the responsibility of ethical integrity and accountability is expected to be managed by the respective governmental regulations that are lagging behind to set accountability parameters around it. It is fast replacing mainstream and verified news channels despite being a propeller of disinformation, fake news and hate-speech. The economic benefits of SM is turning its users into digital business entrepreneur that can sell any content sans any checks & balances. On one hand, it has enriched the debate on gender equality, empowerment and human rights. But on the other hand, it’s aggravating GBV. This is defined as Tech Facilitated Gender Based Violence (TFGBV).
TFGBV is a growing crisis in Pakistan. TFGBV magnifies GBV through amplification, naming and shaming. Women, girls, and marginalized groups are facing increasing online harassment, blackmail, and abuse through social media, messaging apps and on digital platforms. Perpetrators are exploiting any and all technological platforms to cyberstalk; sextortion & blackmail through non-consensual sharing of intimate images for viral revenge porn; AI-generated deepfake abuse, fake profile, catfishing; and hurl misogynistic trolling & threats especially for female journalists, rights activists, and politicians. The anonymity factor protects the perpetrator but creates hate, discrimination, social stigma and abuse for the victim in such a way that makes them silent, self censor and ultimately withdraw from online public discourse. The relentless online abuse intimidates, shames, devastates credibility and endangers lives in offline spaces.
The perpetrator invokes regressive socio-cultural and misinterpreted socio-religious, normative frameworks that places burden of honor and shame on women and girls and results in victim blaming. The patriarchal social and political power structures provide social impunity to the perpetrators of violence and men go scot-free of a crime. Since GBV and now TFGBV, the target remains to control voice and agency of the target victims; and discourages women and girls at large to not engage in both online and offline public spaces.
The evolution from Women in Development (WID) to Gender and Development (GAD) marked a significant shift in how gender issues are framed—from focusing solely on women’s inclusion to analyzing power structures, masculinities, and systemic inequality. But has this transition effectively addressed Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and anticipated emerging threats like Technology-Facilitated GBV (TFGBV)?
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WID focused on integrating women into development projects but generally ignored patriarchal norms perpetuating violence. GAD, on the other hand, emphasized gender relations, male privilege, and institutionalized discrimination, that provided a stronger lens to analyze GBV – e.g. evolving policy, advocacy and institutional frameworks and laws on VAW (Violence Against Women). Despite progressive legislation, policy discourses and advocacy as well the implementation of VAW, GBV and women protection laws remain weak in Pakistan. GBV and now TFGBV is still treated as a “women’s issue” rather than a patriarchy-influenced systemic power imbalance.
While GAD improved the understanding and response mechanisms for offline GBV, it could not anticipate the TFGBV/digital violence as we see now. Women in Tech has been a struggling stream that can be alleged to have created a tech blind spot, overlooking how technology could weaponize misogyny. GAD supported enabling institutional environment – integration to response, but could not keep step with the expanse and anonymity of digital spaces that perpetuated online abuse and TFGBV.
The global connectivity of the digital world has also become a conduit for misogynist and digital abusers to gang in anonymity. While the GAD focus was to bridge the digital gender divide, assuming that Internet/ online access will strengthen empowerment, it ignored the online risks for women, girls, and other marginalized minorities. Tech-focused discourse and analysis especially on digital rights, data protection, data privacy is evolving and not engendered enough. Per se, TFGBV is not covered in Pakistan Penal Code, including Women Protection Act & Domestic Violence Act. The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA 2016 as amended in 2025) covers TFGBV, but remains weak in its reporting to enforcement mechanism. Earlier Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) could act on TFGBV under cyber crimes but as of last two weeks its taken out of its purview and a new set up has been announced which is yet to take shape or be known.
In 2023, the FIA received 152,136 complaints out of which 82,396 got verified that turned into 1379 cases, resulting in 92 convictions. The Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) had 144 investigation officers for all of Pakistan that went up to 200 by the time its cyber crimes were taken out of their mandate. The worst in all this is that adolescent boys and girls are also being subjected to TFGBV and neither law, nor government nor watchbodies are waking up to it.
Can GAD Address TFGBV? Sure if it pushes to mainstream and integrate digital gender analysis e.g., how algorithms restrict access to rights, justice, and amplify abuse. The role of big Tech , cannot be understated as it has to be pushed beyond corporate accountability and towards global agenda of non discrimination, human rights and gender equality. Engage academics, youth and civil society efforts for an enabling tech and safer digital spaces. Support and strengthen cyber crime reporting, response and protection frameworks (shelters to helplines). And most reporting work on social normative framework and linguistic terminologies that abhor victim blaming, institute GBV/TFGBV and normalize its reporting.
What can Pakistan do? Integrate TFGBV in Pakistan Penal Code. Amend PECA to criminalize TFGBV with institutional accountability mechanism so that it is not weaponized by power holders. TFGBV should be recognized as a form of violence in the women’s protection Act and/or DV Act. Unambiguous cyber laws and linked law enforcement units. A trained, capacitated and financed cyber crime agency that can train and coordinate with police and legal fraternity. Cyber crimes be part of the curriculum in judicial academies to strengthen adjucation and case law. Empowered PTA that engages with platforms like Facebook, TikTok, and WhatsApp for tech accountability and tech CSR to improve content moderation for Urdu and regional languages. Most important in GBV to TFGBV is socio-cultural & socio=religious normative frameworks that act as barrier. This ironically, is not even taken into consideration. Social settings and discourse need to regularize cases of VAW, GBV, TFGBV for prompt justice and not pushed under carpet as family matter by society and Law enforcement Agencies. Introduce digital literacy programs in schools starting from primary schools to understand digital rights, online consent, privacy settings, and safe reporting.
TFGBV is not just ‘online drama’—it destroys lives. The Government of Pakistan must engage with entertainment media to de-glorify VAW, GBV, TFGBV. Dramas, films, comedy programs need to keep in check their sexist remarks, eliminate VAW scenes and stop stereotyping that limits women’s socio-economic-political empowerment It needs to support linguistic terms in Urdu and regional language that make people understand that gender equality has nothing to do with any sexual freedom. Where women’s opinion and their access to public/online spaces is a right. There needs to be stricter instruction to news media to not report it as an honor or crime of passion, victim blame and/or reveal victim’s identity as per the court’s judgement. The digital platforms need regulatory mechanisms as many content creators thrive on misogyny and GBV to get views that gets them better monetization from respective digital platforms. The Council of Islamic Ideology should be engaged to adjudicate its advisory role to inform society how TFGBV – gloved into fake news, disinformation, abuse and hate are religious crimes as well.
Pakistan must act before more women are silenced. Silence is no longer an option. Pakistan must treat TFGBV as seriously as offline violence. Pakistan is blessed to have Nighat Dad and her organization Digital Rights Foundation (DRF) which is contributing to shape global narratives by being on United Nation’s Secretary General team; partnering with stakeholders in EU to South Asia to improve legal and institutional landscapes to address TFGBV, AI driven issues and digital & privacy; and above all providing input and feedback to the government of Pakistan on digital laws to being amicus curie to the supreme Court. Its cyber helpline is doing a stellar work. The Government of Pakistan must strengthen and partner with DRF.
GAD gave us the tools to dismantle patriarchy and now is the time to use them to break the digital patriarchy too. TFGBV requires GAD 2.0 that can tackles digital misogyny as fiercely as domestic violence. The future lies in breaking the stigma, merging gender justice and digital rights.
Fauzia Yazdani has a portfolio of over 30 years with national governments, United Nations, and bilateral development partners in Pakistan , South Asia, Region of Arab States & North Africa focusing Governance, Gender, Digital & Human Rights. Youth, Women empowerment and inclusion remains focus of her policy advocacy and research portfolio especially in humanitarian context .
She has substantial public policy, political economy analysis, research and publication to her credit besides being a media person.
She has been senior Gender Advisor with UNDP, UNFPA and UNW in Pakistan , UNDP Bangladesh and with UNW office for Region Of Arab States in Egypt. She was consulting advisor to the UNDP Resilience Hub in Nairobi for Regional Strategic Offer on climate. She has authored Gender Strategy for UN system in Pakistan.
She works closely with the UNFPA Pakistan as senior policy advisor & technical expert on Gender, GBV, Tech Facilitated GBV and child marriages.
